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Thursday, August 19, 2010

?s About Barack Obama

It is regrettable that FOX News is not reporting more often on substantive concerns about Obama such as his voting record and political history which provide a wealth of serious questions about his ability to lead. Given the refusal by many members of the liberal media to report on criticisms of Barack Obama, we rely disproportionately upon FOX News and other conservative outlets to provide valid criticisms of Barack Obama. And when FOX reports on frivolous and questionable issues, it becomes like the boy who cried wolf - people write off issues like these when they are presented.


The following are 3 question marks surrounding Barack Obama you're probably unaware of.

?1. Voting record on live birth abortion.

Too often this is written off as merely an attack on Obama because he supports abortion rights when an entirely separate topic. You see, it deals with the Illinois version of the federal Born Alive Infants Protection Act that made it illegal to leave children who survive late-term abortions to die unattended, a relatively common practice before the law. Star witnesses in the federal case were Jill Stanek and Allison Baker of Christ Hospital, IL who testified that it was occurring regularly at their workplace.

Obama, in the official senate record, is recording as asking about the bill,
"Senator O'Malley, the testimony during the committee indicated that
one of the key concerns was - is that there was a method of abortion, an
induced abortion, where the -- the fetus or child, as - as some might
describe it, is still temporarily alive outside the womb. And one of
the concerns that came out in the testimony was the fact that they were
not being properly cared for during that brief period of time that they
were still living. Is that correct?"
After being answered in the affirmative, he argued the following, that because they were born prematurely as the result of drug-induced abortions and not to a full 9-month term, they were previable fetuses who should not be protected even though outside the womb:
"Number one, whenever we define a previable fetus as a person that is protected by the equal protection clause or the other elements in the Constitution, what we're really saying is, in fact, that they are persons that are entitled to the kinds of protections that would be provided to a - a child, a nine-month-old -- child that was delivered to term. That determination then, essentially, if it was accepted by a court, would forbid abortions to take place. I mean, it - it would essentially bar abortions, because the equal protection clause does not allow somebody to kill a child, then this would be an antiabortion statute. For that purpose, I think it would probably be found unconstitutional. The second reason that it would probably be found unconstitutional is that this essentially says that a doctor is required to provide treatment to a previable child, or fetus, however way you want to describe it. Viability is the line that has been drawn by the Supreme Court to determine whether or not an abortion can or cannot take place. And if we're placing a burden on the doctor that says you have to keep alive even a previable child as long as possible and give them as much medical attention as - as is necessary to try to keep that child alive, then we're probably crossing the line in terms of unconstitutionality."
The text of his remarks can be seen here in the official senate transcript (pages 84-90) at the Illinois government website. He also addressed the subject in this transcript also (pages 29-35), in which he argues for giving abortion doctors the benefit of the doubt about whether children who survive abortions are being left to die, rather than requiring a second physician to certify the child does not need care.

Sean Hannity actually addressed the issue in a broadcast of Hannity and Colmes in August 2008. Sarah Palin at the time also repeatedly hammered Obama over this, but the press by and large refused to cover it. The issue achieved publicity because a joint CBN/CNN airing focused on a long-time distortion of Obama's, that he would've voted for the popular federal Born Alive Infants Protection Act - revealing that the Illinois bill was made word for word identical to the federal bill and Obama voted it down in the Health and Human Services Committee he chaired.

As published by the New York Sun, it came out that the Obama campaign admitted he'd distorted his record, though he now claimed the Illinois law was already sufficient to protect children at the time (ironically not a point made when he was on the senate floor as seen from the previous transcripts). It was then addressed by the New York Times, FactCheck.org (whose article Obama and 'Infanticide' was featured in Newsweek), and the aforementioned FOX News as well as other prominent publications.

Also interesting is that his voting record had earlier been brought up on this issue by Hillary Clinton during the primaries. Hillary cleverly brought it out by accusing him of voting present on these controversial bills rather than no, suggesting the opposite, that he did not support women's rights enough. Because of this, CEO of the Illinois Planned Parenthood, Pam Sutherland, came to Obama's defense stating it was a tactic used by Obama, who spearheaded the Illinois Planned Parenthood movement to 'provide cover' to Congressmen to vote against the Born Alive bills without people knowing they did so, since most aren't aware present votes are the same as no votes in Illinois.

In Sutherland's own words as quoted by ABC News' Teddy Davis in Obama Abortion Dodges Blessed by Planned Parenthood:
"We at Planned Parenthood view those as leadership votes. We worked with him specifically on his strategy. The Republicans were in control of the Illinois Senate at the time. They loved to hold votes on 'partial birth' and 'born alive'. They put these bills out all the time . . . because they wanted to pigeonhole Democrats... He came to me and said:  'My members are being attacked. We need to figure out a way to protect members and to protect women, a 'present' vote was hard to pigeonhole which is exactly what Obama wanted. What it did was give cover to moderate Democrats who wanted to vote with us but were afraid to do so... A 'present' vote would protect them. Your senator voted 'present.'  Most of the electorate is not going to know what that means."
Sutherland also repeatedly defended Obama with varying similar statements as seen in articles by PolitiFact, the Chicago Tribune, the Huffington Post, and the Washington Post (this is a great article by the Washington Post's Fact Checker with info on all Obama's abortion related votes - including several other 'Born Alive' ones).

Obama on his FighttheSmears website also has erroneously claimed that the now-retired Senator Richard Winkel, who sponsored the Born Alive bills Obama opposed, had said Obama did not support infanticide. As Time Magazine blog RealClearPolitics showed, however, Winkel's exact words in the letter were as follows:
"On March 12, 2003, I presented the neutrality amendment before the state Health and Human Services Committee chaired by then state Sen. Obama. All 10 committee members voted to add the amendment. Nevertheless, during the same hearing, the committee rejected the bill as amended on a vote of 4-6-0. Obama voted no.
I was stunned because the neutrality amendment addressed the concerns of opponents. It was the same neutrality language approved by U.S. Sens. Barbara Boxer, Ted Kennedy, Hillary Clinton and John Kerry in the federal bill.
None of those who voted against SB-1082 favored infanticide. Rather their zeal for pro-choice dogma was clearly the overriding force behind their negative votes rather than concern that my bill would protect babies who are born alive."
In summary, Obama clearly, as seen from his own words, led a statewide Planned Parenthood movement not only to defeat bills which sought to protect newborn children that survived abortions, but has since sought to have the federal and state bills overturned (look into what the Freedom of Choice Act he supports does, or his statements about the Partial Birth Abortion Ban Act), and even spearheaded the Planned Parenthood movement to conceal the voting records of congressmen concerning these bills.


?2. Political History: Deal with Emil Jones, IL Senate Leader.

As pointed out by Todd Spivak in 'Barack Obama and Me', the legislative career of Barack Obama in the Illinois Senate occurred through a deal struck with Emil Jones, head of the Illinois Senate:
"It's a lengthy record filled with core liberal issues. But what's interesting, and almost never discussed, is that he built his entire legislative record in Illinois in a single year. [...]
Jones appointed Obama sponsor of virtually every high-profile piece of legislation, angering many rank-and-file state legislators who had more seniority than Obama and had spent years championing the bills. [...]
During his seventh and final year in the state Senate, Obama's stats soared. He sponsored a whopping 26 bills passed into law — including many he now cites in his presidential campaign when attacked as inexperienced.
It was a stunning achievement that started him on the path of national politics — and he couldn't have done it without Jones.
Before Obama ran for U.S. Senate in 2004, he was virtually unknown even in his own state. Polls showed fewer than 20 percent of Illinois voters had ever heard of Barack Obama. Jones further helped raise Obama's profile by having him craft legislation addressing the day-to-day tragedies that dominated local news *headlines."
Another article citing Jones' influence as such is Obama's Political "Godfather" In Illinois by CBS News.

It started with a well-recorded conversation between Jones and Obama which is referenced in articles by NBC Chicago, Time Magazine, the Boston Globe, the Sunday Times, and the Chicago Sun-Times.  Obama approached Jones, telling him "You have the power to make a U.S. Senator". When asked who he might make by Jones, Obama replied "Me."

And as Spivak reports, what followed was the appointment of Obama to bills previously worked on by other senators, even leading to terms like 'bill jacking' being bandied about by Congressmen like Rickey Hendon
and Donne Trotter. Jones also had him craft legislation to meet major tragedies in the news.

As Hendon, the original sponsor of the famous bill on racial profiling and videotaped police interrogations, would put it,
"I took all the beatings and insults and endured all the racist comments over the years from nasty Republican committee chairmen, Barack didn't have to endure any of it, yet, in the end, he got all the credit. I don't consider it bill jacking. But no one wants to carry the ball 99 yards all the way to the one-yard line, and then give it to the halfback who gets all the credit and the stats in the record book."
As a result, Obama's legislative record was built in a year. He is the product of political deal-making, not sincerity and ability.

?3. Political History: Knocking Off Opponents in First Election; 1996.

Obama's first election, in 1996, was a messy one. Following a late decision by Alice Palmer, who'd previously named the young Obama her successor and supported him, to run for the state senate after her bid for Congress failed, her campaign asked Obama to step down. Not only did Obama not do so, but he used a trick of the Chicago political process; knocking off not only Palmer but the other 3 candidates using a team of lawyers including a former Harvard buddy to challenge their petition signatures, after the filing deadline had passed.

As Chicago Tribune writers would put it in Barack Obama Knows His Way Around a Ballot,
"A close examination of Obama's first campaign clouds the image he has cultivated throughout his political career: The man now running for president on a message of giving a voice to the voiceless first entered public office not by leveling the playing field, but by clearing it."
How did they do it? According to the muddled rules of Chicago political filing procedures, if signatures are printed and not signed, they are disqualified. If they are otherwise valid but collected by someone underage, or otherwise an unregistered voter, they are disqualified. And in this case, perhaps most controversial was the elimination of candidate Marc Ewell, for according to the Tribune article,
"Little-known candidate Marc Ewell filed 1,286 names, but Obama's objections left him 86 short of the minimum, and election officials struck him from the ballot, records show. Ewell filed a federal lawsuit contesting the board's decision, but Johnson intervened on Obama's behalf and prevailed when Ewell's case was dismissed days later.
Ewell could not be reached for comment, but the federal judge's decision showed how he was tripped up by complexities in the election procedures.
City authorities had just completed a massive, routine purge of unqualified names that eliminated 15,871 people from the 13th District rolls, court records show.
Ewell and other Obama rivals had relied on early 1995 polling sheets to verify the signatures of registered voters—but Obama's challenges were decided at least in part using the most recent, accurate list, records show."

Whereas Palmer had decided to run with just 2 days remaining before the deadline, and had hastily gathered her signatures, the others were hopefuls who'd used more time and prolonged effort.

The issue is addressed in depth by other news media as well, including CNN (see here as well), the New York Times, the Boston Globe, and Time Magazine.

Thanks to Obama, thousands of citizens were denied a choice in the election so he could run unopposed.

4. Miscellaneous
  • Anita Dunn: How We Controlled the News Media - Dunn, as seen here, described in depth the Obama campaign's strategy of 'controlling' the news media to portray only a specific image of Obama, by avoiding unscripted events and carefully regulating the settings and words he would use. FOX News in October 2009 did cover the issue, but a few reminders wouldn't hurt.
  • Health Care: Abortion Funding - Barack Obama in July 2007 promised Planned Parenthood as seen from this recorded video, that 'reproductive care' would be "at the center and at the heart of
    the plan that I propose". Ironically he'd also promised the bill process would be bipartisan and broadcast publicly on C-Span. It was as partisan as it gets, with liberal Democrats, before pro-life Democrats revolted against the abortion agenda, thinking they had the upper hand and at one point even locking out Republicans from the meetings - literally. The health care bill was never about providing health care to all, or why did they ditch the public option and risk the chance at passing a
    bill in December? They could have passed the House bill with its Stupak amendment, but they chose to create a whole new Senate bill to reinsert the abortion agenda and prolong the process rather than passing reform immediately. Why? Because it was never about health care reform or covering all Americans, but legislating more funds to Planned Parenthood and entrenching abortion into law. While we needed health care reform, we needed a good bill, which was not being created.
  • Public Financing - I am sure many recall Obama's promise to use public financing if McCain did, only to back out when he discovered he could raise more money apart from the public financing. A chance at winning has always been more important to Obama than honesty or his word. It's not even most about a moral compass gone awry or being out of touch with the American people. It's something far simpler and more disgusting; a complete lack of honesty, indeed the very embodiment of it
    in a person.
  • The Patriot Act: Obama's Untiring Support - Okay, so maybe it was a coincidence he voted to extend the Patriot Act in 2005. And maybe it was a coincidence that he voted for Iraq War funding while in Congress also. But you know Obama, so quick to make sure everybody knows exactly where he stands on an issue - he had to remove ALL doubt. Obama once elected asked Congress to extend the Patriot Act - without changes, and ultimately extended it without a hint of his former rhetoric against the bill. This incurred criticism from liberal ranks. Not even the Huffington Post could take this one standing still. Will the real George Bush please stand up?
  • He is a Lawyer.

Wednesday, August 18, 2010

No Love for Pro-Life Democrats?

It is a travesty that FOX News and the Republicans are criticizing all Democrats for the result of the health care bill and the stimulus bills, and calling for Republicans to get blanket success in November. Has everyone forgot the pro-life Democrats, as well as some Blue Dog Democrats, were responsible for prolonging what would've otherwise been a quickly passed health care bill? It was not a lack of coordination among Democrats as some have dishonestly implied that blocked passage of the health care bill.

The Republicans lacked anywhere near the votes required for a filibuster in both houses in 2009. That means all Democrats needed was for most of their members to vote for anything and they could pass it. It was because Bart Stupak united 40 pro-life Democrats in the House to stop the health care bill's passage in 2009 that it dragged on for months. Stupak finally won passage of an amendment, the Stupak amendment, to eliminate the abortion agenda of the House health care bill. However, unknown to Stupak apparently, Barack Obama had promised in July 2007, to Planned Parenthood, that abortion would "at the center, and at the heart of the bill that I propose", as seen from this video.

However, it was reported even back in November that liberal Democrats were confident the Stupak amendment would be removed from the final bill.  Pelosi, it was reported at the time from one source (still trying to find where I saw it), had promised the liberal Democrats the Senate would create a new bill to remove the Stupak amendment, which is what happened. 

So what about the 'Cornhusker Kickback' criticized by Republicans and FOX News? What has been ignored and not reported on was that the 'kickback' actually involved vast changes to the Senate bill in an attempt by Nelson to try and remove the abortion agenda; changes he'd vowed in November to seek or else not let the Senate bill pass. Unlike in the House, there are only a few pro-life Democrats in the Senate, 6 that I know of to be exact (Reid claims to be pro-life but has never voted like it). 

In short, they were outnumbered and if any one of them gave in the bill would pass - without the Stupak amendment.  Nelson's "kickback" consisted of numerous sweeping provisions against an abortion agenda, and while not as good as a Stupak amendment, was a last-ditch effort by a besieged pro-life Democrat to fix the bill's abortion agenda.  Because his state got some Medicare funds in the process (we still don't know if Nelson was responsible for that being included, or liberal Democrats included them to make him look bad, and at any rate he instantly asked for them to be removed when objections arose), FOX News and Republicans attacked Nelson tirelessly while ignoring the anti-abortion language the deal had revolved around.

Bart Stupak, hoping for health care reform, and the primary target for months on end of the entire liberal movement in America, finally gave in.  As Sandra McElwaine would report,
"But according to former Republican Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich, Stupak simply “sold out.” Gingrich describes Stupak as “a nice, honest, decent throw back to a simpler America,” and blames the Democratic hierarchy for bullying him into submission. “Reid and Pelosi put so much pressure on him they wore him out. They ostracized him and isolated him from his own party. It was a scene straight out of Chicago mob politics,” Gingrich says.
(One Republican even reports Stupak wept openly as he pushed the electronic button for that final “yes” vote.)"
At the time, Republicans had criticized pro-life Democrats like Nelson and Landrieu, while targeting others for voting for the amended House bill with its Stupak amendment.  Even though pro-life Democrats had stood by Republicans in passing the Stupak amendment to remove the abortion agenda, Republicans not only refused to help them but actively attacked them.  As CNS reported back in 2004 in Pro-life Democrats describe lonely role but see improvements,
"But in the experience of Rep. Bart Stupak, being a pro-life Democrat is a guarantee of ongoing struggles for respect from your own party and even from pro-life allies. And don't bother to expect financial support from those who traditionally fund either Democrats or pro-life candidates.
Through 12 years in Congress representing Michigan's 1st District, Stupak has been one of a few dozen members who keep alive the belief that the words "pro-life" and "Democrat" aren't mutually exclusive terms.
Since he arrived in 1992, Stupak has struggled to avoid isolation by his own party, by others in the pro-life political community and even by the Catholic Church, he told Catholic News Service in a phone interview from the Democratic National Convention in Boston.
It took two years in Congress and his re-election before the Democratic leadership appointed Stupak to the committee he wanted. One of its subcommittees deals with abortion laws and he said he was told, "we're not going to put a pro-life Democrat on it."
...
Stupak said it's bad enough that so much money is available to candidates who support abortion. But he said he and other pro-life Democrats often can't even get financial support from groups that agree with them.
"Right-to-life groups won't fund us because we're Democrats," he said. Pro-life Democrats are also shunned by groups -- including some labor unions -- that aren't specifically focused on abortion but have strong connections to organizations that are.
In many ways, Stupak said pro-life Democrats are "a group without a party." By his count, 35 House Democrats consistently vote pro-life, and three others do so on most abortion-related issues."
Had Republicans helped them, supported them, and conservatives like those at FOX News not actively attacked them, perhaps they could have worked with Republicans more.  Yet they were alienated all the more by the GOP and conservatives at FOX News.  Targeted from all sides, Stupak let the pressure get to him.  He made a desperate choice to trust the leader of his party, Barack Obama, unaware of Barack Obama's radical history on abortion.

The fact remains:  Only because of pro-life Democrats standing together against all odds was the health care bill process delayed so we the people could even see the bills that the liberal Democrats would have preferred pass quickly and quietly before anyone could see what was in them.  And in the end, 35 Democrats, 16 of them Pro-Life Democrats from the original coalition of 40, did end up voting against the final health care bill as well.  It is a heinous lie to say there are no pro-life Democrats.  Now they are being targeted by the shameless GOP for their seats in conservative districts, even though a number voted as hard-line as any Republicans; and did so against opposition from their own party; standing strong for what they believed in.

It would be hypocritical to attack Democrats for voting for the health care bills and stimulus bills, and not give recognition and praise to those who did what they could to stop them.  In the case of the health care bill, resistance from Pro-Life Democrats dragged the process on for fully half a year, and forced the liberal Democrats to use a 'Reconciliation' trick requiring fewer votes, and even then just barely passed the bill.


PRO-LIFE DEMOCRATS:



Name Location Health Care Stimulus
ST D Stupak Am Final Vote Bill I Bill II
Altmire, Jason PA 4 YES NO YES YES
Berry, Robert AR 1 YES NO YES NO
Bordallo, Madeleine GU 0 ? ? ? ?
Boren, Dan OK 2 YES NO YES YES
Bright, Bobby AL 2 YES NO NO NO
Childers, Travis MS 1 YES NO YES YES
Costello, Jerry IL 12 YES YES YES YES
Cuellar, Henry TX 28 YES YES YES YES
Dahlkemper, Kathleen PA 3 YES YES YES YES
Davis, Lincoln TN 4 YES NO NO NO
Donnelly, Joe IN 2 YES YES YES YES
Driehaus, Steve OH 1 YES YES YES YES
Ellsworth, Brad IN 8 YES YES NO YES
Griffith, Parker AL 5 YES NO NO NO
Holden, Tim PA 17 YES NO YES YES
Kanjorski, Paul PA 11 YES YES NO YES
Kaptur, Marcy OH 9 YES YES YES YES
Kildee, Dale MI 5 YES YES YES YES
Langevin, James RI 2 YES YES YES YES
Lipinski, Daniel IL 3 YES NO YES YES
Marshall, James GA 8 YES NO YES YES
McIntyre, Mike NC 7 YES NO YES NO
Melancon, Charles LA 3 YES NO YES YES
Mollohan, Allan WV 1 YES YES YES YES
Oberstar, James MN 8 YES YES YES YES
Ortiz, Solomon TX 27 YES YES YES PRS
Peterson, Collin MN 7 YES NO NO YES
Rahall, Nick WV 3 YES YES YES YES
Salazar, John CO 3 YES YES YES YES
Shuler, Heath NC 11 YES NO NO NO
Skelton, Ike M0 4 YES NO YES YES
Stupak, Bart MI 1 YES YES YES YES
Taylor, Gene MS 4 YES NO NO YES
Wilson, Charles OH 6 YES YES YES YES



KEY: ST = State, D = District, PRS = Present Vote (same effect as a No vote), ? = No vote recorded, perhaps not elected yet?

SOURCES:


-Stupak Amendment Vote, House: http://clerk.house.gov/evs/2009/roll884.xml (amendment overview)
-Final Health Care Vote, House: http://clerk.house.gov/evs/2010/roll165.xml (bill overview)
-Stimulus I, House: http://clerk.house.gov/evs/2009/roll046.xml (bill overview)
-Stimulus II, House: http://clerk.house.gov/evs/2009/roll943.xml (bill overview)

Let it be clear, however, that I am not interested in blaming any of the above with this article - just in making sure those who did stand up for what they thought right are recognized for doing so.

With these bills so widely unpopular it is only right that these moderate Democrats not be lumped in wrongly with their party come November.

Abortion

Abortion is a personal subject, generating emotional resistance from both sides of the aisle, as it were. Whereas one will focus on the rights of women to make choices and links itself to the 1920's women's rights movement, the other will focus on the rights of children to be born and compare itself to the 1860's movement to end slavery.

As with much else, it is useful to have a historical perspective on the issue first.

-Rights: The right to life is inalienable according to the Declaration of Independence, and given by a Creator, rather than dependent on any individual, desire for an individual, or estimation. Privacy is not a right, it is a privilege, just like control of one's body. One cannot murder another in the privacy of his or her own home or use their fist to punch someone; they cannot use their voice to shout fire in a crowded opera house.i The bottom line is that the right to throw a punch should stop where another's nose begins. I am all for women's rights, but nobody's right should include the right to murder their fellow man; to infringe upon another's inalienable right to life.
The 4th amendment stops unreasonable searches and seizures, not all searches and seizures. Police can still get an arrest warrant if you’re murdering someone in your house. Privacy does not allow you to murder someone in your own home, just like it should not allow you to murder someone in your own body. Therefore, privacy is a privilege, not a right.

-Caution: It is disputable when a person becomes a human being. Blacks were once considered less than human as well. So were Native Americans, and Hispanics. Trying to decide based on trimesters is arbitrary. When they pass that 12-week limit, are they suddenly inhuman one day and human the next?
In playing God, we are ultimately going to be guilty sooner or later of taking another human life, and of the 1.2 million abortions performed each yearii, even if right most of the time, that is still a lot of blood on an abortionist's hands.
We ought to be erring on the side of caution when potentially taking another human life, not trying to skirt that line and seeing how close we can get. Though most consider abortions most safe/moral in the first trimester (12 weeks), 11.3% of all abortions, which in 2004 equated to 136,730 abortions, are performed after the 12th week.iii

-Choice: As I've said, nobody should have the choice to harm another human being. With 'choices' should come consequences, commitments, and responsibilities. We recognize that a man who impregnates a woman should be accountable and have to pay child support. Why is it that a woman should be able to pass on the consequences of her lifestyle actions onto her unborn child? Abortion is irresponsible, saying that one can do whatever they want without consequences.

-Abortion lies: Co-founder of NARAL, Bernard Nathanson, admitted that NARAL fabricated the results of fictional polls to sell the American people on lies about the number of illegal abortions occurring by as many as 10 times the actual number.iv They used the process of the self-fulfilling lie, repeating the falsehood to the media enough times that they tricked the public into thinking illegal abortion far more prevalent than it was. Abortion is built upon deception, not truth.
Sources:
-Rare circumstances: Rape, incest, and pregnancies due to the mother's life in danger result in a total of just .53% of all abortions.v As such, they are not defensible for abortions overall. Only in such cases are abortions even to be considered as moral, since in the case of rape/incest, the woman did not make a lifestyle choice she should be held accountable for, and in the case of her life endangered by the pregnancy, her right to life is equally at stake.
Furthermore, even before Roe v. Wade, abortion was legal in many states in such cases. Begun with Colorado in 1967, states began passing laws to allow abortion in such cases, and by the time of Roe v. Wade (1973) 17 states had passed laws allowing abortion in such circumstances.vi Some states even had much older laws allowing abortion only in case of the mother's life or severe fetal deformity.vii New York, for example, had one dating back to 1830, which was overturned in 1967 by Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller. Abortion was legalized for other reasons, and thus such rare issues are a moot point.
-Public support: According to Gallupviii, which has been tracking the abortion issue since 1976, never have more than 34% of all Americans said abortion should be legal under all circumstances. Currently that number is at 21%.
The majority of Americans each year have said abortion should be legal only under certain circumstances (48-61%). That number is right now at 57%. Furthermore, for the first time since Gallup began tracking, a majority of Americans now identify as pro-life instead of pro-choice, 51% to 42%.ix
According to a 2003 Gallup poll, 82% agree with allowing abortion when the mother's life is endangered, 72% when the pregnancy was caused by rape or incest, and 60% when the child would be born with a life-threatening illness. Only 50% supported abortion when the child would be born mentally disabled, and only 41% when the woman doesn't want the child for any reason. A 2007 Gallup poll found 72% believe partial birth abortion should be illegal. A 2005 Gallup poll determined 69% of Americans support parental notification laws, while 64% support notifying the husband of a married woman if she wants an abortion.
As such, the majority of Americans support abortion only in rare cases such as rape/incest/life of the mother, and not when 'choice' is the only factor. They also support reasonable requirements for notification of spouses and parents.
-About Control?: This is not about men telling women what they can and can't do with their bodies. Rather it's about telling abortion providers that they cannot provide services which potentially harm other human beings. Not until 2010 was any law passed, and even then Utah has been the only state, to allow prosecution of women who have abortions.x Ultimately, this is not about punishing women who have abortions, but if anyone, the abortion providers. The main thing is stopping this abhorrent trade in child murder.
Many of the major Pro-Life organizations and movements are led not by men but by women. The National Right to Life Committee is led by Wanda Franz.xi Susan B. Anthony's List is led by Marjorie Danenfelserxii, who is both President and Chairman of the Board. Democrats For Life of America, the national organization of Congressional pro-life Democrats, is led by Executive Director Kristen Day.xiii Judie Brown is President and Co-Founder of the American Life League. Jill Stanek is another major pro-life leader known for her opposition to Barack Obama's voting record on partial birth abortion.xiv
The Right to Life movement, as such, is led by women with an interest in allowing other women as well as men the right to be born.
-Right to Life Movement: Some accuse the Right to Life movement of only trying to stop abortions, not caring for single mothers. Teen Mothers Choices International, headquartered in northern Illinois in 1989, seeks to provide mentors and volunteers to help single mothers live free of government assistance with emphasis on college and the workplace. TMCI has launched internationally with a goal of reaching 3,000 churches and community organizations in 50 states.xv Likewise, an organization called New Hope, affiliated with Bergen County's Right to Life movement, has just passed its 25th anniversary in assisting teen mothers.xvi
-Death penalty conflict: Concerning the death penalty, many innocent people have been found on Death Row due to DNA evidence, suggesting as a man you are guilty until proven innocent in our U.S. court system. If we can't put the right people on death row, perhaps we should remove the death penalty altogether. However, there are pro-life people who both oppose abortion and the death penalty, most notably the pro-life Democrats (DFLA, Democrats For Life of America) with their 'consistent life ethic' that opposes not just abortion but human trafficking and the death penalty.xvii So not all who oppose abortion, myself included, support the death penalty.
Sources:
-Partial Birth Abortion: That the abortion movement continues to support the abhorrent and now federally illegal practice of live birth abortion, shows just where their hearts are really at. As testified before Congress by nurses Jill Stanek and Allison Baker, babies who survived the late-term Intact Dilation and Extraction abortion process were being left to die and, under the law, were legally allowed to starve to death in soiled back rooms or simply were thrown into waste baskets or on tables to perish.
-Physicians: As Physicians For Life, a coalition of pro-life medical professionals, points out, the first rule of a physician should be, "First, do no harm." This guiding principle is taught in medical schools nationwide, as a tenet for all students to follow when entering the medical profession, yet is clearly not the standard when it comes to abortion.
As the National Library of Medicine recognizes, this phrase is found in the well-known Hippocratic Oath of ancient Greece, which also includes the lesser-known statement, "I will not give a lethal drug to anyone if I am asked, nor will I advise such a plan; and similarly I will not give a woman a pessary to cause an abortion."xviii
-The Judiciary: Henry J. Friendly is widely considered one of the great judges in the nation's history. And as brought to light by federal Judge A. Raymond Randolph, "What is not known is that in 1970, three years before Roe v. Wade, Judge Friendly wrote an opinion in the first abortion-rights case ever filed in a federal court. No one knows this because his opinion was never published. I have a copy of the opinion, and his papers are now at the Harvard Law School, awaiting indexing."xix
Friendly, three years before Roe v. Wade, would debunk the notion of a right to privacy as consistent with prior law, and emphasize that privacy should exist only when it does not harm others. The words of this great judge were as follows:
A holding that the privacy of sexual intercourse is protected against governmental intrusion scarcely carries as a corollary that when this has resulted in conception, government may not forbid destruction of the fetus. The type of abortion the plaintiffs particularly wish to protect against governmental sanction is the antithesis of privacy. The woman consents to intervention in the uterus by a physician, with the usual retinue of assistants, nurses, and other paramedical personnel, indeed the condition calling for such intervention may very likely have been established by clinical tests. While Griswold may well mean that the state cannot compel a woman to submit to an abortion, but see Buck v. Bell ___U.S. ___ (___), it is exceedingly hard to read it as supporting a conclusion that the state may not prohibit other persons from committing one or even her doing so herself.
Plaintiffs say that to confine Griswold to the protection of marital privacy is to read the case too narrowly. They regard it as having established a principle that a person has a constitutionally protected right to do as he pleases with his—in this instance, her—own body so long as no harm is done to others. Apart from our inability to find all this in Griswold, the principle would have a disturbing sweep. Seemingly it would invalidate a great variety of criminal statutes which existed generally when the 14th Amendment was adopted and the validity of which has long been assumed, whatever debate there has been about their wisdom. Examples are statutes against attempted suicide, homosexual conduct (at least when this is between consenting unmarried adults), bestiality, and drunkenness unaccompanied by threatened breach of the peace. Much legislation against the use of drugs might also come under the ban.
...
One would have to be insensitive indeed not to be deeply moved by the evidence the plaintiffs have presented. Testimony is scarcely needed to understand the hardship to a woman who is carrying and ultimately bearing an unwanted child under the best of circumstances. The evidence shows how far circumstances often are from the best. It stressed the plight of the unmarried mother, the problems of poverty, fear of abnormality of the child, the horror of conception resulting from incest or rape. These and other factors may transform a hardship into austere tragedy. Yet, even if we were to take plaintiffs’ legal position that the legislature cannot constitutionally interfere with a woman’s right to do as she will with her own body so long as no harm is done to others, the argument does not support the conclusion plaintiffs would have us draw from it. For we cannot say the New York legislature lacked a rational basis for considering that abortion causes such harm. Even if we should put aside the interests of the father, negligible indeed in the many cases when he has abandoned the prospective mother but not in all, the legislature could permissibly consider the fetus itself to deserve protection. Historically such concern may have rested on theological grounds, and there was much discussion concerning when “animation” occurred. We shall not take part in that debate or attempt to determine just when a fetus becomes a “human being”. It is enough that the legislature was not required to accept plaintiffs’ demeaning characterizations of it. Modern biology instructs that the genetic code that will dictate the entire future of the fetus is formed as early as the ___ day after conception; the fetus is thus something more than inert matter. The rules of property and of tort have come increasingly to recognize its rights. While we are a long way from saying that such decisions compel the legislature to extend to the fetus the same protection against destruction that it does after birth, it would be incongruous in their face for us to hold that a legislature went beyond constitutional bounds in protecting the fetus, as New York has done, save when its continued existence endangered the life of the mother.
We would not wish our refusal to declare New York’s abortion law unconstitutional as in any way approving or “legitimating” it. The arguments for repeal are strong; those for substantial modification are stronger still. Apart from the humanitarian considerations to the prospective mother that we have outlined, the state’s interest with respect to abortion would seem very much less in an era when the birth rate constitutes perhaps the most serious single danger to society than when a young nation needed people for its development. But the decision what to do about abortion is for the elected representatives of the people, not for three, or even nine, appointed judges.
Policy choices with respect to abortion are not limited to drastic prohibition like New York’s on the one hand or complete freedom on the other. One variant is a liberalization of grounds. Here there are subvariants. The proposal in the American Law Institute’s Model Penal Code, which includes danger not only to the life but to the health of the mother, conception as a result of incest or rape, and probable abnormality of the child, is the best-known example. A legislature might decide to enlarge upon this list. It might permit abortions whenever the mother was below (or above) a certain age, whenever she was unmarried, when the parents could establish inability to care for the child, when there were already more than a certain number of children in the household, etc. There is room also for considerable differences in procedures—how far to leave the decision to the physician performing the abortion, how far to require concurrence by other physicians or, where appropriate, psychologists or social workers. One can also envision a more liberal regime in the early months of pregnancy and a more severe one in later months. There is also opportunity for debate, both on ethical and on physiological grounds, as to what is early and what is late. The legislature can make choices among these variants, observe the results, and act again as observation may dictate. Experience in one state may benefit others; this is conspicuously an area for application of Mr. Justice Brandeis’ view that the Fourteenth Amendment should not be so utilized as to prevent experimentation in the laboratories of the several states. In contrast a court can only strike down a law, leaving a vacuum in its place. To be sure, when it does this, it may sometimes be able to indicate how the legislature may remodel the statute to conform it to constitutional requirements. [Cite instances, e.g., FELA, obscenity, wiretapping]. But if we were to accept plaintiffs’ argument based on Griswold, we would have to condemn any control of abortion, at least up to the uncertain point where the fetus is viable outside the womb. We find no basis for holding that by ratifying the Fourteenth Amendment the states placed at risk of judicial condemnation statutes then so generally in effect and still not without a rational basis, however one may regard them from a policy standpoint.
An undertone of plaintiffs’ argument is that legislative reform is hopeless, because of the determined opposition of one of the country’s great religious faiths. Experience elsewhere, notably Hawaii’s recent repeal of its abortion law, would argue otherwise.
But even if plaintiffs’ premise were correct, the conclusion would not follow. The contest on this, as on other issues where there is determined opposition, must be fought out through the democratic process, not by utilizing the courts as a way of overcoming the opposition of what plaintiffs assume but we cannot know to be a minority and thus clearing the decks, thereby enable legislators to evade their proper responsibilities. Judicial assumption of any such role, however popular at the moment with many highminded people, would ultimately bring the courts into the deserved disfavor to which they came dangerously near in the 1920's and 1930's. However we might feel as legislators, we simply cannot find in the vague contours of the Fourteenth Amendment anything to prohibit New York from doing what it has done here.
-Population: As the Food and Agriculture Organization of the U.N. conclude, “The earth could, in theory, feed very many more people than now inhabit the globe.”xx The problem is that the earth is not one nation and thus the resources of farming-rich nations aren’t utilized effectively for all. We pay farmers, for instance, NOT to grow as many crops as they could, even as people elsewhere starve.xxi
We could build more vertically, high-rise complexes to house more people with joint recreational and public facilities. Here in the U.S., we have a very good land per capita rating (land per person), ranking 62nd of 233 countries.xxii Unfortunately, land is not being used most effectively for all. Ideally, more building would be done in areas with lower chance for catastrophe and away from areas with the best farming potential to make best use of crop growth. Obviously none of this is done, and is in part because of national differences. Not only are comparatively smaller countries like India packed with some of the largest populations, but their poorer economies do not allow for the sort of building that would most adequately house their populations.
As such, our nation with its abundance of natural resources and land has the ability to house many people, and is nowhere near the crisis level of India or China. The world has the ability to house many more as well if cooperation were used in sharing land and resources globally to assist in housing and caring for the poor.
-Other issues: We need to reform our adoption system, making it cheaper to adopt here in the U.S. There are still tens of thousands of adoptions each year, but numbers rose in recent years for international adoptions, though now declining once more. Furthermore, we need to ensure women are taken care of.
Part of this problem occurs because of divorce law. When 'irreconcilable differences' was allowed in the courts starting in 1970, this allowed couples to divorce for any reasons and avoid the responsibility that should come with the vows 'til death do us part'. As a result, women are not protected by marriage now, and we are seeing more single mothers. Removing irreconcilable differences might eliminate some of the necessity poor women have for seeking abortions.

SOURCES

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ii Abortion in the U.S. [Report combines statistics from the CDC and Guttmacher Institute.] National Right to Life Committee. Retrieved from http://www.nrlc.org/Factsheets/FS03_AbortionInTheUS.pdf
Johnston, W.R. (2010, May 9). Summary of Registered Abortions Worldwide, through April 2010. Johnston's Archive. Retrieved from http://www.johnstonsarchive.net/policy/abortion/wrjp3310.html
iii (2010, May). Facts on Induced Abortion in the United States. Guttmacher Institute. Retrieved from http://www.guttmacher.org/pubs/fb_induced_abortion.html
iv Ex-abortionists expose America's greatest scandal. WorldNetDaily. Retrieved from http://www.wnd.com/news/article.asp?ARTICLE_ID=30216
v Johnston, W.R., Dr. (2008, October 9). Reasons given for having abortions in the United States. Retrieved from http://www.johnstonsarchive.net/policy/abortion/abreasons.html
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vii Abortion History Timeline. National Right to Life Committee. Retrieved from http://www.nrlc.org/abortion/facts/abortiontimeline.html
viii Abortion. Gallup. Retrieved from http://www.gallup.com/poll/1576/abortion.aspx
ix Saad, L. (2009, May 15). More Americans "Pro-Life" Than "Pro-Choice" for First Time. Gallup. Retrieved from http://www.gallup.com/poll/118399/more-americans-pro-life-than-pro-choice-first-time.aspx
x Neville, W. (2010, March 10). Utah: Prosecuting women is a "national model" for the anti-abortion movement. AmplifyYourVoice.org. Retrieved from http://www.amplifyyourvoice.org/u/AFY_Will/2010/3/10/Utah-A-national-model-for-the-antiabortion-movement
xi Franz, W. (2009, January 22). Statement of Wanda Franz, Ph.D. National Right to Life Committee. Retrieved from http://www.nrlc.org/press_releases_new/FranzStatement012209.html
xii Marjorie Danenfelser. Susan B. Anthony List. Retrieved from http://www.sba-list.org/site/c.ddJBKJNsFqG/b.4145571/k.48C0/Marjorie_Dannenfelser.htm
xiii Meet Kristen, Executive Director of DFLA. Democrats for Life of America. Retrieved from http://www.democratsforlife.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=64&Itemid=49
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xix Randolph, A.R. Before Roe v. Wade: Judge Friendly's Draft Abortion Opinion. Retrieved from http://www.law.harvard.edu/students/orgs/jlpp/Vol29_No3_Randolph.pdf
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